The paper provides conceptual background for the idea of the angel of the presence as the heavenly counterpart of Moses in the Book of Jubilees and the Exagoge of Ezekiel the Tragedian. The identity of the celestial scribe in the form of the angel of the presence found in the Book of Jubilees and some other Second Temple materials might further our understanding of the enigmatic process of mystical and literary emulation of the exemplary figure, the cryptic mechanics of which often remains beyond the grasp of our post/modern sensibilities. It is possible that in the traditions of heavenly counterparts where the two characters of the story, one of which is represented by a biblical exemplar, become eventually unified and acquire a single identity, we are able to draw nearer to the very heart of the pseudepigraphical enterprise. In this respect, it does not appear to be coincidental that these transformational accounts dealing with the heavenly doubles of their adepts are permeated with the aesthetics of penmanship and the imagery of the literary enterprise. In the course of these mystical and literary metamorphoses, the heavenly figure surrenders his scribal seat, the library of the celestial books and even personal writing tools to the other, earthly identity who now becomes the new guardian of the literary tradition.
The article demonstrates that four concluding verses of the Former Prophets (2 Kgs 25,27-30) militate against the recent tendency to view Deuteronomism as a lasting phenomenon, especially against its extension into the late exilic and postexilic periods. Because Evil-Merodach proved an ephemeral and insignificant ruler, the account of Jehoiachin’s release and exaltation under his auspices could be reasonably expected to shore up the notion of an eternal Davidic dynasty only as long as the Babylonian king remained on the throne (562-560 BCE). Since the dynastic promise to David and associated concepts rank high on Dtr’s agenda, it means that the Former Prophets was not updated along Deuteronomistic lines to reflect the shift in the audience’s perspective on Evil-Merodach caused by his downfall. If so, there was no Deuteronomistic literary activity in the corpus after 560 BCE.
Although the baptism of the Ethiopian is merely a baptism with water he can continue on his way to the south to await the power of the Holy Spirit at the ends of the earth. This return to Ethiopia is quasi a converse pilgrimage of the nations. The new dispersion of the Jews among the nations is opposed to the OT prophecy of an assemblage on the Zion. Paul has to be converted to this new understanding of diaspora. He abandons the idea of an assemblage of captured Christians in Jerusalem and goes himself as a captive into exile. With his arrival in Rome a new Babylonian captivity of salvation is realized.
Die These von E. Bosshard – R.G. Kratz und O.H. Steck, die in Mal 2,17-3,5 + 3,13-21 eine rein redaktionelle Fortschreibung von Sach sehen, beruht auf dem Nachweis intertextueller Bezüge und thematischer Strukturparallelen. Am Beispiel der Perikope Mal 3,13-21 soll gezeigt werden, daß einerseits die dafür beanspruchten Belege einen zu allgemeinen Charakter haben, um eine konkrete Intertextualität erweisen zu können, andererseits das spezifische Gattungsformular der Redeeinheit von Mal einen literarischen Zusammenhang mit Sach äußerst unwahrscheinlich macht.
The interpretation of almost every detail of the description on the bear in Daniel 7 is disputed by scholars, mainly because of the uncertainty about the background of the imagery of the beasts. The present paper reviews suggested backgrounds and shows that while many have some appropriate elements, they are unable to explain all the details of the beasts or their actions. The Bible is shown to be the source of all aspects of Dan 7,5. Proceeding from Hos 13,5, the author utilized prophecies of the downfall of Babylon, supplemented from elsewhere in the Bible, to paint his picture of the second beast who is to be identified as Media and Persia.
Coding in the OT is plausible because of the Exile’s profusion of scripture, the Diaspora’s need for secure communication, and the ancient world’s widespread use of cryptography. A code exists in Num 6,24-26 that uses one letter per text word, from words spaced at regular intervals, with letters used in any sequence. Coding of Jehoiachin’s name in the MT’s Priestly Benediction establishes the mid-sixth century B.C.E. as the earliest possible time for the Ketef Hinnom amulets. Moreover, since the Ketef Hinnom scribe appears to have understood nothing of the benediction’s Jehoiachin coding, the amulets could be considerably later than mid-sixth century.
How did ancient Israelite authors make it clear that they were purposefully alluding to other texts? After all, the presence of verbal parallels between two texts can be attributed to coincidence, to unconscious dependence, or to the use of formulaic language where words assume a fixed shape because of the social setting and literary genres in which they are used. This paper examines two techniques by which the biblical authors could mark allusions so as to make them more conspicuous and highlight their purposeful nature: inversion of elements, and splitting and redistribution of elements. Examples of these techniques are taken from the book of Ezekiel.
Luke wrote, concerned to help Theophilus comprehend the reliability of the things he had been taught. One of the teachings to Theophilus in this tumultuous century is, it seems most likely, an explanation as to how it is that he, a pagan, has become a full member of an exclusionary religion that began as thoroughly Jewish. This attention to Theophilus, it is suggested, makes necessary a story that geographically and chronologically arrives and finishes at the place where Theophilus and his community are; it is to them the story is written (Luke 1, 4). Luke’s work does not stop till Rome, 61 AD, but stops there and then. This strongly suggests Luke’s satisfaction that he has told a story which finally arrives where Theophilus is. That Luke stops his work at Rome, 61 AD, indicates Theophilus and his church are there. By Luke’s story, Theophilus understands the truth many teachings, particularly about his place in God’s plan of salvation.