NOTES

^* Paper read on the SBL International Meeting in July 2002 at Berlin (Germany).

¹ See for example J. FEKKES III, "‘The Bride has prepared herself’: Revelation 19–21 and Isaian Nuptial Imagery", JBL 109 (1990) 269-287; K.E. MILLER, "The Nuptial Eschatology of Revelation 19–22", CBQ 60 (1998) 301-318; B.J. MALINA, "How A Cosmic Lamb Marries: The Image of the Wedding of the Lamb (Rev 19:7ff.)", BThB 28 (1999) 75-83; B.R. ROSSING, The Choice between Two Cities: Whore, Bride, and Empire in the Apocalypse (HThS 48; Harrisburg, PA 1999).

² On this see my study R. ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik und Gottesverhältnis. Traditionsgeschichte und Theologie eines Bildfelds in Urchristentum und antiker Umwelt (WUNT II/122; Tübingen 2001) 387-488.

³ See the crowns of the 24 Elders (Rev 4,4.10); the crowns of the grasshoppers (Rev 9,7), the crown of the son of man (Rev 14,14) or the astral crown of the pregnant woman (Rev 12,1). The New Testament further speaks of a "crown of righteousness" (2 Tim 4,8) or "crown of glory" (1 Pet 5,4).

⁴ For the bridal wreath of the Judaic bridal pair see J. CONRAD, "hlk", ThWAT, IV, 174-178; for the Greek tradition see M. BLECH, Studien zum Kranz bei den Griechen (RVV 38; Berlin 1982) 75-81. Also my summary in ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 243-244 and 251.

⁵ In the same document, Joseph is also described as a bridegroom with a "golden crown" on his head, see JosAs 5,5 according to C. BURCHARD, Joseph und Aseneth (JSHRZ II/4; Gütersloh 1983) 577-735, here 643.

⁶ See A. V. SALIS, "Die Brautkrone", Rheinisches Museum 78 (1920/24) 212-213; K. BAUS, Der Kranz in Antike und Christentum. Eine religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung mit besonderer Berücksichtigung Tertullians (Theophaneia 2; Bonn ²1965) 111.

⁷ See an epitaph from Asia Minor JRS 17 (1927) 51, n. 230; further JRS 18 (1928) 23 n. 234 (table 1), according to BAUS, Kranz, 112 n. 116.

⁸ "So she ran through all the battles of her children and hurried after them, filled with joy and happiness, as if she had not been thrown to the animals, but rather invited to a wedding" (53-54); "as a consequence of her unification (koinwni/a) with Christ she could not feel "that a wild steer impaled her with its horns", Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 5.3.4. Compare A. JENSEN, Gottes selbstbewußte Töchter. Frauenemanzipation im frühen Christentum (Freiburg i.Br. 1992) 195-196.

⁹ As, for instance, J. FREY, "Die Bildersprache der Johannesapokalypse", ZThK 98 (2001) 161-185, here: 170, as well as S. MOYISE, The Old Testament in the Book of Revelation (JSNTSS 115; Sheffield 1995); ID., "Does the author of Revelation misappropriate the Scripture", AUSS 40 (2002), 3-21; G.K. BEALE, John’s Use of the Old Testament in Revelation (JSNTSS 166; Sheffield 1998).

¹⁰ See J. Chrysostomus, Hom. in 1 Tim. 9,2 (PG 62,546). See also J. SCHRIJNEN, "La couronne nuptiale dans l¢antiquité chrétienne", MEFR 31 (1911) 309-319.

¹¹ For detail on this subject see my article: R. ZIMMERMANN, "Die Virginitäts-Metapher in Rev 14,4-5 im Horizont von Befleckung, Loskauf und Erstlingsfrucht", NT 45 (2003) 45-70.

¹² See also the overview by O. BÖCHER, Die Johannesapokalypse (EdF 41; Darmstadt ⁴1998) 56-63.

¹³ See A.Y. COLLINS, "Woman’s History and the Book of Revelation", SBLSP 1987 (ed. K.H. RICHARDS; Atlanta 1987) 80-91; K. BERGER, "Henoch", RAC 14 (1988) 473-545, here: 514-516; ID., Theologiegeschichte des Neuen Testaments. Theologie des Neuen Testaments (Tübingen ²1995) 585; D.C. OLSON, "‘Those who have not defiled themselves with Women’: Revelation 14:4 and the Book of Enoch", CBQ 59 (1997) 492-510.

¹⁴ In the Book of Giants from Qumran (1Q23; 1Q24; 4Q203; 4Q530-533; 6Q08). See L.T. STUCKENBRUCK, The Book of Giants from Qumran. Texts, translation, and commentary (TSAJ 63; Tübingen 1997).

¹⁵ See the translation from M. BLACK, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch. A New English Edition (SVTP 7; Leiden 1985).

¹⁶ OLSON, "Revelation 14:4 and the Book of Enoch", 501.

¹⁷ The religious treatment of the difference of the sexes was completed by 1) the evening out of sexuality (Mark 12,25par.; Gal 3,28; EvThom # 22; 2 Clem 12,2) and 2) by the spiritualized unification of the sexes (Gen 2,24; 1Cor 6,16-17; Eph 5,30; 2 Clem 14; EvPhil), see ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 672.

¹⁸ One assumes that "to commit fornication" was regarded as an equally concrete offence as the eating of food sacrificed to idols; a reference to the decree suggests itself also in the formulation "to impose a burden" (Rev 2,24) which occurs with the same terminology in Acts 15,28. See on this BERGER, Theologiegeschichte, 585-586.

¹⁹ See Deut 22,13-21; Sir 7,24; Tob 3,14; Philo, Spec.Leg. 3,80; Josephus, Ant. 4,244.246-248; further b. Ket 46a; compare also G. SCHÖLLGEN, "Jungfräulichkeit", RAC 19 (2001) 523-592; also in Eph 5,27 the immaculateness of the bride is emphasized, see m. Ket 7,7-8.

²⁰ See i.e. M 20 (Muraba’at): "If you are taken away as a prisoner, I will ransom you and bring you back to your homeland", text according to K. BEYER, Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer samt den Inschriften aus Palästina, dem Testament Levis aus der Kairoer Genisa, der Fastenrolle und den alten Talmudischen Zitaten (Göttingen 1984) 309-310.

²¹ See m. Ket 4,8 as special agreement to the marriage contract; further m. Ket 4,4; m. Hor 3,7; b. Ket 47b; 51b; 52a.b; t. Ket 4,5.

²² Based on the marital laws of Emperor Augustus, such as the Lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus (On the Marriage among the Citizens, 18 B.C.) or the Lex Iulia et Papia Poppaea (4 B.C.) a real obligation to marriage, that promoted such actions, was proclaimed; on the marital laws of Augustus see A. METTE-DITTMANN, Die Ehegesetze des Augustus. Eine Untersuchung im Rahmen der Gesellschaftspolitik des Princeps (Historia 67; Stuttgart 1991) esp. 131-198.

²³ In the Lex Aelia sentia (4 A.D.) the release of a slave was permitted only after the age of 30 because conservative circles saw a political and social danger in liberti of the mass releases at the end of the Republic. On this see G. ALFÖDY, "Die Freilassung von Sklaven und die Struktur der Sklaverei in der römischen Kaiserzeit", Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit (ed. H. SCHNEIDER) (WdF 552; Darmstadt 1981) 336-371; A. WACKE, "Die Heirat freigelassener Frauen nach römischem Recht", Die Braut: Geliebt, verkauft, getauscht, geraubt. Zur Rolle der Frau im Kulturvergleich (ed. G. VÖLGER – K. V. WECK; Köln ²1997) 246-257; for precise reasons see ZIMMERMANN, "Virginitäts-Metapher".

²⁴ In the rabbinical tradition there is a linguistic construction that follows from the interpretation of Cant 3,11b in m. Taan 4,8 (R. Gamaliel). This construction describes the granting of the Torah on Sinai as an engagement or wedding of JHWH to Israel. See ShemR 33,7; 41; DevR 3 zu Deut 31,9. The basis could have been the linguistic ambiguity in Exod 19,10: " Hallow them to me". On this see ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 310-311.

²⁵ For detail on 2 Cor 11,2-3 see ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 300-325.

²⁶ Hegesipp (about 160 A.D.) also reports, according to the witness of Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.3277; 4.22.4.6), that the Jerusalem community was called "pure virgin" until the appearance of Thebutis and the martydom of Simeon because she had not been sullied by foreign teachings. Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.22.4: dia_ tou=to e)ka/loun th_n e)kklhsi/an parqe/non, ou!pw ga_r e!fqarto a)koai=j matai/aij; ibid., 3.3277: parqe/noj kaqara_ kai_ a)dia/fqoroj e!meine h( e)kklhsi/a)

²⁷ Otherwise only still in 1 Cor 8,7 in the NT. Also the metaphoric use in the tradition in the sense of "religious contamination" (See LXX Jer 23,11; Isa 65,4; Tob 3,15), on this see F. HAUCK, "moixeu/w ktl.", ThWNT, IV, 744-745.

²⁸ The LXX-Version shows o)smh_n mu/rou — "scent of the salve" instead of the "sound of the mill".

²⁹ The varying reading numfh/ instead of gunh/ in )², gig, cop (sa/ bo) and in Apringius Pacensis is therefore an understandable correction. On this see also D. E. AUNE, Revelation 17–22 (WBC 52c; Dallas, TX 1998) 1029-1030.

³⁰ See K.-P. JÖRNS, Hymnisches Evangelium. Untersuchungen zu Aufbau, Funktion und Herkunft der hymnischen Stücke in der Johannesoffenbarung (StNT 5; Güterloh 1971) 144: "hymnischen Finale". After a double Halleluja praise of a great throng in heaven (v. 1b.2 and 3), the "Amen. Halleluja" of the twenty-four elders and the four beasts can be heard (v. 4), before all God-fearing slaves are called upon to celebrate (v. 5) and to sing the Halleluja praise for the fourth time. This quadruple Halleluja is, according to rabbinical tradition, reserved for the summons to the last judgement: it will ring out over the judgement of the transgressors (b. Ber 9b) or after the construction of the celestial Jerusalem (see Tob 13,21).

³¹ See the classification of F. CRÜSEMANN, Studien zur Formgeschichte von Hymnus und Danklied in Israel (WMANT 32; Göttingen 1969), that differentiates between "imperative" und "participial hymns". Similarly K. SEYBOLD, Die Psalmen. Eine Einführung (Stuttgart e. a. 1986) 97-98.

³² For details on the ‘messianic’ interpretation of the Psalm see F.-L. HOSSFELD – E. ZENGER, Psalmen 1–50 (NEB 29/1; Würzburg 1993) 278-284, here: 279: "Dem messianischen König wird nun eine neue ‘Königstochter’ zugeführt: die Tochter Zion."

³³ Cant 3,11 speaks of the crowning of Solomon on the day of his wedding. The allegorical interpretation of this text according to m. Taan 4,8 (wedding day = granting of the Torah) can be seen as the initial of the allegorical Cant interpretation; in Tg. Cant the lover of the Song of Songs was also interpreted messianically (see Tg. Cant 7,14; 8,1.2.4.).

³⁴ On this see my article R. ZIMMERMANN, "Bräutigam als frühjüdisches Messiasprädikat? Zur Traditionsgeschichte einer urchristlichen Metapher", BN 103 (2000) 85-100; see also according to Mark 2,18-22 ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 227-299.

³⁵ See references in J. BEHM, "dei=pnon ktl.", ThWNT, II, 33-35.

³⁶ A man (master of the house) comes back home after a wedding and knocks on the door (see Rev 3,20). The servants who are awake and who open the door for him are then invited to a meal during which the master of the house himself serves.

³⁷ See, for example, H. RITT, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (NEB 21; Würzburg 1986) 96; BERGER, Theologiegeschichte, 608.

³⁸ Cf. M. KARRER, "Sprechende Bilder: Zur Christologie der Johannesapokalypse", Metaphorik und Christologie (ed. J. FREY – J. ROHLS – R. ZIMMERMANN) (TBT; Berlin – New York forthcoming); on the later metaphorical Christology see E. GRÜNBECK, Christologische Schriftargumentation und Bildersprache. Zum Konflikt zwischen Metapherninterpretation und dogmatischen Schriftbeweistraditionen in der patristischen Auslegung des 44.(45.) Psalms (Leiden 1994).

³⁹ Otherwise gunh/ was used for looking at the prophet Isebel with clearly negative connotations (Rev 2,20); in Rev 9,8 woman’s hair serves as a contrastive point of comparison to the grasshoppers, while in Rev 14,4 the virginal have not defiled themselves with women. In Rev 17,3.4.6.7.9.18 the harlot Babylon is consciously addressed as a woman.

⁴⁰ Individually, the following assignments are possible: 21,2–21,9-11; 21,3–21,22-23 and 22,3; 21,4–22,2; 21,6–22,1; 21,7–22,4; 21,8–21,26 and 22,3.

⁴¹ Based both on the interactive interpretation of metaphor and the parallel use of comparison and identification in Joh (see Rev 5,6 with 5,12 and 13,8; 4,6 and 15,2a with 15,2b) no difference to Rev 21,9 exists here.

⁴² On this see in detail in ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, § 4 2.2. "Jerusalem / Zion als Frau", 117-137.

⁴³ For example see the term "mother" in Sumerische und akkadische Hymnen und Gebete (ed. A. FALKENSTEIN – W. VON SODEN) (Zürich 1953) 192-213; ANET², 611-619; other sources also assign Inanna as a city goddess to Akkade.

⁴⁴ For example the colossal statue of the city Tyche of Antioch, a work of Eutychides (approx. 300 B.C.), that still exists in many copies, was world famous. See E. CHRISTOF, Das Glück der Stadt. Die Tyche von Antiochia und andere Stadttychen (Frankfurt a.M. 2001); P. PROTTUNG, Darstellungen der hellenistischen Stadttyche (Charybdis 9; Münster 1995); for the traditional background see A. FITZGERALD, "The Mythological Background for the Presentation of Jerusalem as a Queen and False Worship as Adultery in the OT", CBQ 34 (1972) 403-416, here 413-414; ID., "BTWLT and BT as Titles for Capital Cities, CBQ 37 (1975) 167-183.

⁴⁵ For background on ancient oriental wearers of wall crests see J. BÖRKER-KLÄHN, "Mauerkronenträgerinnen", Assyrien Im Wandel der Zeiten. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 6.–10. Juli 1992 (ed. H. V. WAETZOLD – H. HAUPTMANN) (HASO 6; Heidelberg 1997) 227-234 (Table 13.16), for the reception in Hellenism see M. MEYER, "Neue Bilder", Hellenismus (ed. B. FUNCK) (Tübingen 1996) 243-254 with Figs. 1-4.7-12.

⁴⁶ See IGLS, 13,1 Nr. 9006-9009.

⁴⁷ See O.H. STECK, "Zion als Gelände und Gestalt. Überlegungen zur Wahrnehmung Jerusalems als Stadt und Frau im Alten Testament", ZThK 86 (1989) 126-145.

⁴⁸ For feminist critique see for example R. JOST – E. SEIFERT, "Das Buch Ezechiel. Männerprophetie mit weiblichen Bildern", Kompendium. Feministische Bibelauslegung (ed. L. SCHOTTROFF – M.-Th. WACKER) (Güterloh ²1999) 278-290; further G. BAUMANN, Liebe und Gewalt. Die Ehe als Metapher für das Verhältnis JHWH – Israel in den Prophetenbüchern (SBS 185; Stuttgart 2000).

⁴⁹ PsSal is dated between 48 and 43/42 B.C., which can be determined from allusions to events that took place at that time (murder of Pompeius, but not yet the death of Caesar), see for example J. SCHÜPPHAUS, Die Psalmen Salomos. Ein Zeugnis Jerusalemer Theologie und Frömmigkeit in der Mitte des vorchristlichen Jahrhunderts (Leiden 1977) 106.

⁵⁰ See P. SÖLLNER, Jerusalem, die hochgebaute Stadt. Eschatologisches und himmlisches Jerusalem im Frühjudentum und im frühen Christentum (TANZ 25; Tübingen 1998) 81-82.

⁵¹ See the approximate consensus of researchers such as SCHÜPPHAUS, Psalmen Salomos, 4; R.B. WRIGHT, "Psalms of Salomon", The OT Pseudepigrapha (ed. J.H. CHARLESWORTH, New York 1985) II, 640.

⁵² On this comprehensively ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 219-226.

⁵³ According to SÖLLNER, Jerusalem, 191.

⁵⁴ From this perspective the frequently held debate of a preexistence is made superfluous; more detail on this in SÖLLNER, Jerusalem, 192.

⁵⁵ On this see, for example, B.C. OLLENBURGER, Zion. The City of the Great King. A Theological Symbol of the Jerusalem Cult (JSOTSS 41; Sheffield 1987).

⁵⁶ For example Jörns, Hymnisches Evangelium, 154; U.B. MÜLLER, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (ÖTK 19; Gütersloh ²1995) 318.

⁵⁷ Söllner names contradictions, immanent in the text, that speak against a unilateral identification of the celestial Jerusalem with the holy congregation. See Söllner, Jerusalem, 257-259.

⁵⁸ Thus it is understandable that the celestial Jerusalem and the concept of the female city grew in the later tradition as the image of the church. However a tangible church constitution (i.e. offices), institutional in the sense of later developments, is not yet visible in Rev.

⁵⁹ See MÜLLER, Offenbarung, 367.

⁶⁰ See K. BERGER, Formgeschichte des Neuen Testaments (Heidelberg 1984) 313-314. According to Berger, the calls for help and salvation stem from the Hellenistic audience style, but can already be found in early Judaic literature. See similar formal structure in Jub 10,3-8.9; 12,19-24; PJ 1,5-6/1,7; 3,6-7/3,8; 3,9/3,10; ActThom 158.121.

⁶¹ See the practically identical vocabulary tij diya=| e)rxe/sqw ... u!datoj zw=ntoj (Joh 7,37-38); similarly also in John 4,14.

⁶² See FEKKES III, Prophetic Tradition.

⁶³ On this see the portrayal in this author, Geschlechtermetaphorik, Exkurs 4, 230-257, as well as R. ZIMMERMANN, "Das Hochzeitsritual im Jungfrauengleichnis. Sozialgeschichtliche Hintergründe zu Mt 25,1-13", NTS 48 (2002) 48-70.

⁶⁴ See m. Ket 5,2; m. Nid 10,5; b. Ket 57b.

⁶⁵ See Bill., II, 398-399.

⁶⁶ With AUNE, Revelation, III, 1228: "Here the bride must be the personification of the church".

⁶⁷ As for example in J. ROLOFF, Die Offenbarung des Johannes (ZBK 18; Zürich ³2001) 212. However there could be an intertextual reference to the suppers mentioned above in Rev 3,20 and Rev 19,9, each of them with connection to the nuptial imagery.

⁶⁸ On this see the observations in M. and R. ZIMMERMANN, "Brautwerbung in Samarien?", ZNT 2 (1998) 40-51.

⁶⁹ On this see BAUMANN, Liebe, 91-228; further ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 104-152.

⁷⁰ See the lists in SÖLLNER, Jerusalem, 251-253; ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 390.

⁷¹ So H.-J. KLAUCK, "Das Sendschreiben nach Pergamon und der Kaiserkult in der Johannesoffenbarung", Bib 73 (1992) 153-182.

⁷² Although the central term here within a catalogue of vices can be understood also in the literal sense, the almost identical formulation in 9,21 shows a direct reference to the above:

⁷³ See A. FEUILLET, "La mystique nuptiale et la réponse de l¢homme à l¢amour divin d¢après Ap. 3,20 et Ct 5,2-5", Carmel 41 (1986) 2-14; also ZIMMERMANN, Geschlechtermetaphorik, 445-447.

⁷⁴ The section Rev 12,1–14,20 can be seen as the inner middle of the apocalytical main section, as MÜLLER, Offenbarung, 225.

⁷⁵ Here J. Fekkes’ too one-sided view that on the one hand recognizes the unity of beginning and end ("fundamental relationship of anticipation and fulfillment between Revelation 1–3 and 19–22"), but on the other hand reserves the nuptial imagery for the final section ("It is only natural that John reserve the nuptial imagery for the latter stage, where it serves to underline the community’s transition from temporary hardship and faithful preparation to eternal glory and companionship with the Lord") can be contradicted. See FEKKES III, "Bride", 287, n. 51.